Everything about Dionysius Exiguus totally explained
Dionysius Exiguus (
Dennis the Little or
Dennis the Short, meaning humble) (c. 470 – c. 544) was a sixth century monk born in
Scythia Minor, in what is now the territory of
Dobruja,
Romania, and a member of the so called "
Scythian monks" community.
Since about 500 he'd lived in
Rome, where, as a learned member of the
Roman Curia, he translated from
Greek into
Latin 401 ecclesiastical canons, including the apostolical canons and the decrees of the councils of
Nicaea,
Constantinople,
Chalcedon and Sardis, and also a collection of the
decretals of the popes from
Siricius to
Anastasius II. These collections had great authority in the West and still guide church administrations. Dionysius also wrote a treatise on elementary mathematics.
Bede and 'Felix' elevated him to an
abbot (a leader of monks) even though Dionysius' friend
Cassiodorus stated in
Institutiones that he was still only a monk late in life.
Anno Domini
Dionysius is best-known as the inventor of the
Anno Domini era, which is used to number the years of both the
Gregorian calendar and the
Julian calendar. He used it to identify the several Easters in his
Easter table, but didn't use it to date any historical event. When he devised his table, Julian calendar years were identified by naming the
consuls who held office that year — he himself stated that the "present year" was "the consulship of Probus Junior [FlaviusProbus]", which he also stated was 525 years "since the incarnation [conception] of our Lord Jesus Christ". How he arrived at that number is unknown. He invented a new system of numbering years to replace the
Diocletian years that had been used in an old Easter table because he didn't wish to continue the memory of a tyrant who persecuted Christians. The Anno Domini era became dominant in Western Europe only after it was used by the Venerable
Bede to date the events in his
Ecclesiastical History of the English People, completed in 731.
Easter tables
In 525, Dionysius prepared a table of the future dates of
Easter and a set of "arguments" explaining their calculation (
computus) on his own initiative, not at the request of
Pope John. Note well that only the first nine arguments are by Dionysius — arguments 10 to 16 as well as the second paragraphs of 3 and 4 and the third paragraph of 9 are later interpolations. Arguments 11 and 12 imply that these were interpolated in the year 675, shortly before
Bede. He introduced his tables and arguments via a letter to a bishop Petronius (also written in 525) and added another explanatory letter (written in 526). These works in volume 67 of the 217 volume
Patrologia Latina also include a letter from Bishop
Proterius of Alexandria to
Pope Leo (written before 457). Though not named by Dionysius, this collection was recently called his
Liber de Paschate (
Book on Easter) by Audette.
He ignored the existing tables used by the Church of Rome, which were prepared in 457 by
Victorius of Aquitaine, complaining that they didn't obey
Alexandrian principles, without actually acknowledging their existence. To be sure that his own tables were correct, he simply extended a set of tables prepared in Alexandria that had circulated in the West in Latin, but were never used in the West to determine the date of Easter (however, they were used in the
Byzantine Empire, in Greek). The Latin tables were prepared by a subordinate of Bishop
Cyril of Alexandria shortly before Cyril's death in 444. They covered a period of 95 years or five decennovenal (19-year) cycles with years dated in the
Diocletian Era, whose first year was 285 (the modern historical year in progress at Easter). Diocletian years were advantageous because their division by 19 yielded a remainder equal to the year of the decennovenal cycle (1–19).
The
epact (the age of the moon on
22 March) of all first decennovenal years was zero, making Dionysius the first known medieval Latin writer to use a precursor of the
number zero. The Latin word
nulla meaning
nothing was used because no
Roman numeral for zero existed. To determine the decennovenal year, the Dionysian year plus one was divided by 19. If the result was zero (to be replaced by 19), it was represented by the Latin word
nihil, also meaning
nothing. Both "zeros" continued to be used by (among others) Bede, by whose extension of Dionysius Exiguus’ Easter table to a great
Easter cycle all future
Julian calendar dates of
Easter Sunday were fixed unambiguously at last. However, in medieval Europe one had to wait as late as the second millennium before one got dispose of the number zero itself, which had come into being around the year 600 in
India.
Dionysius copied the last decennovenal cycle of the Cyrillian table ending with Diocletion 247, and then added a new 95-year table with numbered
Anni Domini Nostri Jesu Christi (
Years of our Lord Jesus Christ) because, as he explained to Petronius, he didn't wish to continue the memory of a tyrant who persecuted Christians. The only reason he gave for beginning his new 95-year table with the year 532 was that six years were still left in the Cyrillian table after the year during which he wrote. For the latter year he only stated that it was 525 years after the Incarnation of Christ, without stating when the latter event occurred in any other calendar. He did
not realize that the dates of the Alexandrian Easter repeated after 532 years, despite his apparent knowledge of the Victorian 532-year 'cycle', indicating only that Easter didn't repeat after 95 years. He knew that Victorian Easters didn't agree with Alexandrian Easters, thus he no doubt assumed that they'd no bearing on any Alexandrian cycle. Furthermore, he obviously didn't realize that simply multiplying 19 by 4 by 7 (decennovenal cycle x cycle of leap years x days in a week) fixed the Alexandrian cycle at 532 years, otherwise he'd have stated such a simple fact.
No evidence exists that the Church of Rome accepted the Dionysian tables until the tenth century, although it's possible that they were accepted sometime during the sixth century. Most of the British Church accepted them after the
Synod of Whitby in 664, although quite a few individual churches and monasteries refused to accept them, the last holdout finally accepting them during the early tenth century. The Church of the Franks (
France) accepted them during the late ninth century under the tutelage of
Alcuin, after he arrived from Britain.
Ever since the second century, some bishoprics in the Eastern Roman Empire had counted years from the birth of Christ, but there was no agreement on the correct epoch —
Clement of Alexandria (c. 190) and
Eusebius of Caesarea (c. 320) wrote about these attempts. Because Dionysius didn't place the Incarnation in an explicit year, competent scholars have deduced both AD 1 and 1 BC. Most have selected 1 BC (historians don't use a
year zero). Because the anniversary of the Incarnation was
25 March, which was near Easter, a year that was 525 years "since the Incarnation" implied that 525 whole years were completed near that Easter. Consequently one year since the Incarnation would have meant
25 March 1, meaning that Dionysius placed the Incarnation on
25 March 1 BC. Because the birth of Jesus was nine calendar months later, Dionysius implied, but never stated, that Jesus was born
25 December 1 BC. Only one scholar, Georges Declerq (Declerq, 2002), thinks that Dionysius placed the Incarnation and Nativity in AD 1, basing his conclusion on the structure of Dionysius's Easter tables. In either case, Dionysius ignored his predecessors, who usually placed the Nativity in the year we now label 2 BC.
Kepler was the first to note that Christ was born during the reign of King
Herod the Great, whose death he placed in
4 BC. Kepler chose this year because
Josephus stated that a
lunar eclipse occurred shortly before Herod's death. John Pratt of the
International Planetarium Society proposed the 1 BC December 29 eclipse as another eclipse.. According to Josephus, Herod died in the year 4 or 3 BC.
Although Dionysius stated that the
First Council of Nicaea in 325 sanctioned his method of dating Easter, the surviving documents are ambiguous. A canon of the council implied that the Roman and Alexandrian methods were the same even though they were not, whereas a delegate from Alexandria stated in a letter to his brethren that their method was supported by the council. In either case, Dionysius' method had actually been used by the Church of Alexandria (but not by the Church of Rome) at least as early as 311, and probably began during the first decade of the fourth century, its dates naturally being given in the
Alexandrian calendar. Thus Dionysius didn't develop a new method of dating Easter. The most that he may have done was convert its arguments from the Alexandrian calendar into the
Julian calendar. The resulting Julian date for Easter was the Sunday following the first Luna XIV (the 14th day of the moon) that occurred on or after the
XII Kalendas Aprilis (
21 March) (12 days before the first of April, inclusive). The 14th day of the moon,
Nisan 14, was the date that Paschal lambs were slain (in late afternoon) until the destruction of the
Second Temple in
70 prevented their continuing sacrifice, as well as the day when all leavened bread crumbs had to be collected and burned, hence Nisan 14 was the day of preparation for
Passover . Alexandria may have chosen it because it was the day that Christ was crucified according to the
Gospel of John (18:28, 19:14), in direct contradiction to the
Synoptic Gospels (Mark 14:12, and Luke 22:7), who state that he was crucified after he ate the
Seder, his
Last Supper. Then and now, the Seder was eaten after sundown at the beginning of Nisan 15. Because Dionysius's method of computing Easter used dates in the Julian calendar, it's also called the Julian Easter. This Easter is still used by almost all
Orthodox churches. The Gregorian Easter still uses the same definition, but relative to its own solar and lunar dates.
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